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By Michele Dillon

It's been good documented that American Catholics are usually Catholics all alone phrases, or decide to stay Catholic whereas selectively embracing authentic Church doctrine. yet why do Catholics who disagree with professional Church teachings on significant concerns equivalent to homosexuality, women's ordination, or abortion, and are therefore institutionally marginalized, decide to stay Catholic? Why do they remain, while the price of staying and being stigmatized would appear to be more than the advantages they may achieve from switching to spiritual teams whose doctrines could validate their ideals on those matters? Michele Dillon, drawing upon in-depth interviews with Catholics who're brazenly homosexual or lesbian, advocates of women's ordination, and pro-choice, investigates why and the way pro-change Catholics proceed to stay actively concerned with the Church, regardless of their rejection of the Vatican's educating on sexuality and gender.

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CHAPTER TWO DOCTRINAL CHANGE CATHOLIC IN THE CHURCH The efforts of pro-change Catholics in moving the church toward a greater affirmation of diversity inevitably dispute some of the takenfor-granted doctrines and practices that appear as core to the church's public identity. In particular, the Catholic Church presents an image of a divinely prescribed hierarchical institution whose teaching is constant and immutable. Yet from an historical perspective it is evident that change in doctrines and practices has been a feature of the church since earliest times.

In particular, the Catholic Church presents an image of a divinely prescribed hierarchical institution whose teaching is constant and immutable. Yet from an historical perspective it is evident that change in doctrines and practices has been a feature of the church since earliest times. Accordingly, the boundaries of Catholicism and what is core to the tradition, are less rigid than might be assumed from the image of an immutable church that is presented in official church accounts and frequently perceived as such by Catholics and nonCatholics alike (cf.

1996; Stark and McCann 1993) emphasize the salience of doctrinal content for believers, they nonetheless takes a one-sided view of who produces doctrine. Doctrine is produced by the supplier firms. The relative autonomy of consumers to produce their own interpretations of doctrine independent of the "objective" content of the producing firm or religious organization is not considered. For Finke and Stark (1992), the mediation of religion seems to constitute a clear-cut transaction rather than a dynamic interpretive process in which the meanings of doctrine are diversely understood, negotiated, and frequently contested.

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