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By Ato Kwamena Onoma

Utilizing comparative instances from Guinea, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, this learn explains why a few refugee-hosting groups release large-scale assaults on civilian refugees whereas others chorus from such assaults even if inspired to take action via nation officers. Ato Kwamena Onoma argues that those assaults ensue the place governments instigate them as a result of hyperlinks among a couple of refugees and significant competition teams within the host kingdom. there's an expanding tendency for students to target militarized refugees and view refugees as propagators, rather than sufferers, of violence. Onoma reorients the learn of refugees again to a spotlight at the disempowered civilian refugees that represent nearly all of refugees even in circumstances of serious refugee militarization, and provides feedback for broader figuring out of and coverage concepts for refugee politics and violence.

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When refugees move in defiance of these rules, they become vulnerable to police officers and local authorities who can exchange toleration of unapproved refugee movement and settlement for favors and quiescence. ”14 Some countries also prevent refugees from working or acquiring real estate. These rules make it hard for refugees to get jobs or buy real estate. They also render those who find jobs or acquire property vulnerable to powerful locals who know their status as refugees and can use threats of its revelation to keep them pliable.

The Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community in Article 104 makes provision for progress toward the “free movement of persons, labor and services” and enjoyment of “rights of establishment” by citizens of the community in all member countries. The EAC Common Market Protocol that allows citizens rights to free movement, residence, and establishment was adopted in 2009 and went into effect only in July 2010. ”12 It is within this broad construction of the refugee as someone temporarily seeking refuge who will ultimately return to his or her “own” country that much of the measures that serve to radically disempower refugees are couched.

If we are going to hold people responsible for the humanitarian disasters that such attacks on refugees represent, we have to find ways of distinguishing between different perpetrators of such violence. The typology is meant to capture and distinguish between the major perpetrators and orchestrators of anti-refugee violence without rejecting the possibility of various actors simultaneously engaging in such attacks. Because sometimes one or more of these parties can dominate such violence to the near total exclusion of others, we need a typology that allows us to parse scenarios like these out without denying the possibility of combinations of perpetrators.

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